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Meaning: if you had no existing beats for covering national affairs in Donald Trump’s America, if you had to create them all from scratch, what would that system look like?
Is that going to fix what’s broken in political journalism? But trying it might reveal possibilities that were harder to see before. Uncouple the news agenda from Trump’s Twitter feed I don’t agree with those who say the press should ignore Trump’s tweets. These are public statements from the president-elect. Naming them for their means of delivery (Twitter) doesn’t help.
Low trust all around, an emboldened and nationalist right wing that treats the press as natural enemy, the bill coming due for decades of coasting on a model in political reporting that worked well for “junkies” but failed to engage the rest of us, the strange and disorientating fact that reality itself seems to have become a weaker force in politics, the appeal of the “strong man” and his propaganda within an atmosphere of radical doubt, the difficulty of applying standard methods of journalism to a figure in power who is not trying to represent reality but to substitute himself for it as a show of strength, the unsuitability of prior routine as professionals in journalism try to confront these confusing conditions, a damaged economic base, weak institutional structure and newsroom mono-culture that hinders any creative response, and a dawning recognition that freedom of the press is a fragile state, not a constitutional certainty.
This is a crisis with many overlapping and deep-seated causes, not just a problem but what scholars call a wicked problem— a mess.
They think they would rather chase stories, publish what they find and let the politics take care of itself. What I mean by “think politically” involves basic questions: What do we stand for that others also believe in? Nothing else can explain the surge in subscriber revenue following the election of Trump.
It’s a good time for the press to hone its listening skills too.A vivid example is the movie “Spotlight.” Thousands of people were personally troubled by the legacy of child abuse in the Catholic Church.But their private suffering was not a public issue until the Boston Globe made it one— by listening to their stories, piecing them together and confronting the people in power.How to persuade more people to get news from journalism — when they have many other choices at hand — is what I mean by thinking politically, but the wrong way to win that fight would be to the product. Its worldview is limited by its creators’ lack of diversity — ethnic, economic, geographic, political (and let’s finally admit that most media and journalists are liberal). ) Journalists, I think, need to listen for people’s troubles, and find the points where they connect to public issues.This is where the problem of trust in the news media meets problems of practice in journalism; the two things are really one: how to begin to practicing in a way that might begin to expand trust. We must do a much better job of listening to more communities — African-American, Latino, LGBT, women, of course, and also the angry white men (and women) who bred Trumpism — so we can understand and empathize with their needs, serve those needs, gain their trust, and then reflect and inform their worldviews. And they have to be better at that than a broken political system is. The distinction between “troubles” and “issues” was struck by sociologist C. He said troubles were the problems that concern people in their immediate experience.
Fahrenthold explains what he’s doing as he does it. ) He’s also human, humble, approachable, and very, very determined. What can we unite around, despite our internal differences?